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HOME |
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TITLE
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TABLE
OF CONTENTS |
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FOREWARD
BY BRAD PYE, JR. |
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Volumes |
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I.
ANCIENT PERIOD
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II.
AFTER CHRIST
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III.
AFTER
1492 COLUMBUS |
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IV.
AFTER
1776 INDEPENDENCE |
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V.
AFTER
1865 - SLAVERY |
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VI.
AFTER
1900 - 20TH CENTURY |
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Black
Wall Street |
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5
Black Presidents |
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Black
Inventors |
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E-Bibliography |
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Book
Info. |
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Contact
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Picture
ebook Edition
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How To Compute |
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Why I Survive Aids |
DePalma, Free Energy & The N-Machine |
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CompUrest

The Secret
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AFTER 1900
(20th Century)
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BLACK
SCIENTISTS
THE BLACK
(NEGRO) WALL STREET
MARCUS
MOSIAH GARVEY
ARTHUR
ALFONSO SCHOMBURG
DR. CARTER
GOODSON WOODSON
BLACKS IN
THE MILITARY
WORLD WAR
II ATROCITIES
BLACK
NATIONALISM |
In a review of historical literature, one is appalled
by the absence of serious attention given to Black scientists by
American historians. Yet, the collective contribution of Black
Americans to science is so extensive that it is not possible to live
a full day in any part of the United States or the world for that
matter, without sharing in the benefits of their contributions in
such fields as: biology, chemistry, physics, space and nuclear
science.
The first scientific book ever written by an African
American is believed to be the Astronomical Almanac published by
Benjamin Banneker in 1792; and he continued to publish this almanac
for the next ten years. Banneker's almanac sold very well among
White farmers and was extremely accurate in predicting: eclipses,
high and low tides, positions of planets, times for sunrise and
sunset, and many other useful items of information. Thomas
Jefferson was so impressed by this self-taught mathematical genius
that he sent a copy of Banneker's almanac to the Academy of Sciences
in Paris to prove that the color of a person's skin had nothing to
do with intelligence. Jefferson also had Benjamin Banneker
appointed to the Federal Commission which planned and laid out
Washington, D.C. When the head of the commission, Pierre L'Enfant,
angrily quit and took all the plans back to France, Banneker was the
only one able to reproduce the entire map and layout from memory;
thus allowing our nation's capital to be completed.
The first national monument ever erected in honor of
an African American was erected for George Washington Carver. A
postage stamp was also issued in his honor. George Washington
Carver, a former slave, was among the most outstanding agricultural
scientists in the world. When the boll weevil completely destroyed
the southern cotton industry, Carver saved the southern economy from
financial ruin by convincing the farmers to grow peanuts instead.
Moreover, his scientific research was able to create more than 300
products from the peanut and its shell. George Washington Carver
was also an expert in detecting and treating plant diseases and was
a collaborator for the U.S. Bureau of Plant Industry. Thomas Edison
and Henry Ford both offered Carver large sums of money to work for
them, but he never left his teaching position at Tuskegee Institute.
Percy Lavon Julian was one of America's premier
chemists. His scientific work ranged from developing new substances
that snuffed out gasoline and oil fires to synthesizing the drug
Cortisone, which eases the pain of people with Rheumatoid
Arthritis. Julian received 105 U.S. patents for chemical products
and processes including two patents for his synthesis of male and
female sex hormones called testosterone and progesterone. After
working 17 years as Director of Research at the Glidden Chemical
Company of Chicago, Illinois, he founded the Julian Laboratories
Incorporated in 1954, with plants in Chicago, Illinois and
Guatemala, Mexico. His plants became immensely successful and in
1961, Julian sold the Guatemala plant to the Upjohn Company, and the
Chicago plant to Smith, Kline and French Company. Percy Julian
succeeded as a major contributor to science despite the extreme
hardships he endured because of his race, including the fact that he
had to obtain his Ph.D. from the University of Vienna in Austria
because American universities would not accept him.
Other famous African American scientists include
Charles R. Drew who made possible the availability of stored blood
plasma for blood transfusions. Dr. William Hinton devoted 30 years
to research on syphilis. In 1935, the "Hinton Test" for syphilis
was adopted by the entire state of Massachusetts, and in 1936
Hinton's book "Syphilis and its Treatment" became the first medical
textbook written by an African American ever published.
Famous Black physicists include Dr. Lloyd Quarterman
who helped develop the atomic bomb and the first nuclear reactor for
atomic powered submarines. Christine Darden was the leading NASA
researcher in supersonic aircraft with expertise in the area of
reducing sonic boom.
Despite the fact that only about three percent of
American scientists have been Black, they have made tremendous
contributions for the benefit and betterment of mankind. It is
truly a crime that the genius and imagination of the African
American scientist is generally unknown to most Americans, both
Black and White.
The “Black (Negro) Wall Street” was the name given to
Greenwood Avenue of North Tulsa, Oklahoma during the early 1900’s.
Because of strict segregation, Blacks were only allowed to shop,
spend, and live in a 35 square block area called the Greenwood
District. The “circulation of Black dollars” only in the Black
community produced a tremendously prosperous Black business district
that was admired and envied by the whole country.
Oklahoma’s first African American settlers were
Indian slaves of the so-called “Five Civilized Tribes”: Chickasaws,
Choctaws, Cherokees, Creeks, and Seminoles. These tribes were
forced to leave the Southeastern United States and resettle in
Oklahoma in mid-winter over the infamous “Trail of Tears.” After
the Civil War, U.S.-Indian treaties provided for slave liberation
and land allotments ranging from 40-100 acres, which helps explain
why over 6,000 African-Americans lived in the Oklahoma territory by
1870. Oklahoma boasted of more all-Black towns and communities than
any other state in the land, and these communities opened their arms
to freed slaves from all across the country. Remarkably, at one
time, there were over 30 African-American newspapers in Oklahoma.
Tulsa began as an outpost of the Creek Indians and as
late as 1910, Walter White of the NAACP, described Tulsa as “the
dead and hopeless home of 18,182 souls.” Suddenly, oil was
discovered and Tulsa rapidly grew into a thriving, bustling,
enormously wealthy town of 73,000 by 1920 with bank deposits
totaling over $65 million. However, Tulsa was a “tale of two cities
isolated and insular,” one Black and one White. Tulsa was so racist
and segregated that it was the only city in America that boasted of
segregated telephone booths.
Since African Americans could neither live among
Whites as equals nor patronize White businesses in Tulsa, Blacks had
to develop a completely separate business district and community,
which soon became prosperous and legendary. Black dollars invested
in the Black community also produced self-pride, self-sufficiency,
and self-determination. The business district, beginning at the
intersection of Greenwood Avenue and Archer Street, became so
successful and vibrant that Booker T. Washington during his visit
bestowed the moniker: “Negro Wall Street.” By 1921, Tulsa’s
African-American population of 11,000 had its own bus line, two high
schools, one hospital, two newspapers, two theaters, three drug
stores, four hotels, a public library, and thirteen churches. In
addition, there were over 150 two and three story brick commercial
buildings that housed clothing and grocery stores, cafes, rooming
houses, nightclubs, and a large number of professional offices
including doctors, lawyers, and dentists. Tulsa’s progressive
African American community boasted some of the city’s most elegant
brick homes, well furnished with china, fine linens, beautiful
furniture, and grand pianos. Mary Elizabeth Parrish from Rochester,
New York wrote: “In the residential section there were homes of
beauty and splendor which would please the most critical eye.” Well
known African American personalities often visited the Greenwood
district including: educators Mary McCloud Bethune and W.E.B. DuBois,
scientist George Washington Carver, opera singer Marian Anderson,
blues singer Dinah Washington, and noted Chicago chemist Percy
Julian.
T.P. Scott wrote in “Negro City Directory”: “Early
African American business leaders in Tulsa patterned the development
of Tulsa’s thriving Greenwood district after the successful African
American entrepreneurial activity in Durham, North Carolina.” After
the Civil War, former slaves moved to Durham from the neighboring
farmlands and found employment in tobacco processing plants. By
1900, a large Black middle class had developed which began
businesses that soon grew into phenomenally successful corporations,
especially North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company. Charles
Clinton Spaulding was so successful with the North Carolina Mutual
Life Insurance Company that he was able to create a real estate
company, a textile and hosiery mill, and the “Durham Negro Observer”
newspaper. Durham Blacks also created a hospital, Mechanics and
Farmers Bank (1908), North Carolina Training College (1910),
Banker’s Fire Insurance Company (1920), and the National Negro
Finance Company (1922). However, living conditions in Durham were
so substandard and working conditions so poor that the 1920
mortality rate among Blacks in Durham was three times higher than
the White rate. As of 1926, 64% of all African Americans in Durham
died before the age of 40. These perilous working and living
conditions were not present in Tulsa.
On May 31, 1921, the successful Black Greenwood
district was completely destroyed by one of the worse race riots in
U.S. history. A 19 year old Black male accidentally stumbled on a
jerky elevator and bumped the 17-year-old White elevator operator
who screamed. The frightened young fellow was seen running from the
elevator by a group of Whites and by late afternoon the “Tulsa
Tribune” reported that the girl had been raped. Despite the girl’s
denial of any wrongdoing, the boy was arrested and a large mob of
2,000 White men came to the jail to lynch the prisoner. About
seventy five armed African Americans came to the jail to offer
assistance to the sheriff to protect the prisoner. The sheriff not
only refused the assistance but also deputized the White mob to
disarm the Blacks. With a defenseless Black community before them,
the White mob advanced to the Greenwood district where they first
looted and then burned all Black businesses, homes, and churches.
Any Black resisters were shot and thrown into the
fires. When the National Guard arrived, they assisted the others by
arresting all Black men, women, and children, and herding them into
detention centers at the Baseball Park and Convention Hall. As many
as 4,000 Blacks were held under armed guard in detention. Dr.
Arthur C. Jackson, a nationally renowned surgeon and called by the
Mayo brothers (of Mayo Clinic fame) “the most able Negro surgeon in
America,” was shot at the Convention Hall and allowed to bleed to
death. The “Chicago Tribute” Newspaper reported that Whites also
used private airplanes to drop kerosene and dynamite on Black
homes. By the next morning the entire Greenwood district was
reduced to ashes and not one White was even accused of any
wrongdoing, much less arrested.
The race riot of Tulsa, Oklahoma was not an isolated
event in American history. On May 28, 1917, a White mob of over
3,000 in East St. Louis, Illinois ravaged African American stores,
homes, and churches. Eyewitnesses reported that over one hundred
Blacks were gunned down as they left their burning homes including a
small Black child who was shot and thrown back into the burning
building to die. Seven White police officers charged with murder by
the Illinois Attorney General were collectively fined $150. During
the “Red Summer” of 1919, over twenty-five race riots, where White
mobs attacked black neighborhoods. were recorded. In the 1919 race
riot at Elaine, Arkansas, White mobs killed over 200 African
Americans and burned their homes and businesses. Federal troops
arrested hundreds of Blacks trying to protect their possessions and
forcibly held them in basements of the city’s public schools.
Twelve Blacks were indicted (no Whites) and convicted of inciting
violence and sentenced to die. The NAACP persuaded the U.S. Supreme
Count for the first time in history to reverse a racially biased
Southern court.
Director John Singleton exposed the horror of the
Rosewood, Florida massacre of 1922 in his film entitled “Rosewood.”
A White mob burned down the entire town and tried to kill all of its
Black inhabitants. In April 1994, the Florida legislature passed
the “Rosewood Bill,” which awarded $150,000 to each of the riot’s
nine eligible Black survivors.
After the Tulsa riot, the White inhabitants tried to
buy the Black property and force Black people out of town. No Tulsa
bank or lending institution would make loans in the riot-marred
Greenwood district, and the city refused all outside assistance.
However, racial pride and self-determination would not permit the
Greenwood owners to sell, and they doggedly spend the entire winter
in tents donated by the American Red Cross.
Rebuilding was a testament to the courage and stamina
of Tulsa’s pioneers in their struggle for freedom. Most of the
buildings along the first block of Greenwood Avenue were rebuilt
within one year. Henry Whitlow wrote: “A little over a decade after
the riot, everything was more prosperous than before.” In 1926,
W.E.B. DuBois visited Tulsa and wrote: “Black Tulsa is a happy city.
It has new clothes. It is young and gay and strong. Five little
years ago, fire and blood and robbery leveled it to the ground.
Scars are there, but the city is impudent and noisy. It believes in
itself. Thank God for the grit of Black Tulsa.” Like Black Tulsa,
African Americans can continue to survive by self-pride, self-help,
and self-determination.
Marcus Mosiah Garvey (1887-1940) arrived in the
United States from Jamaica almost penniless in 1916, but within six
years he boasted of an organization with branches worldwide that had
over six million registered members. He was almost worshipped by
the Black masses throughout the world for his vision to organize the
Black race through race pride, education, self-reliance, economic
development, and the desire to build a strong African motherland
controlled by Africans. Garvey wrote: “I read Booker T.
Washington’s ‘Up From Slavery’ and then my doom - if I may so call
it - of being a race leader dawned upon me. I asked, Where is the
Black man’s government? Where is his king and kingdom? Where is his
president, his country, his ambassadors, his army, his navy, and his
men of big affairs? I could not find them. I decided, I will help to
make them.”
Marcus Garvey founded the Universal Negro Improvement
Association (UNIA) in Harlem in 1918. By 1924, there were over 700
branches in 38 states and over 200 branches throughout the world, as
far away as South Africa at a time when there was no E-mail,
television, or even radio to advertise. Those who could not hear
Garvey directly received his views through his newspaper called the
“Negro World”, which boasted a circulation as high as 200,000 by
1924. The most recent speeches of Marcus Garvey were published in
addition to articles on race pride, self-reliance, and
anti-colonialism. In 1919, the UNIA and “Negro World” were blamed
for the numerous violent colonial uprisings in Jamaica, Grenada,
Belize, Trinidad, and Tobago. British and French authorities
deported all UNIA organizers and banned the “Negro World” from all
their colonies, but seamen continued to smuggle the paper throughout
the world. In 1921, the U.S. Marines invaded a UNIA meeting in the
Dominican Republic and arrested every man, woman, and child in
attendance. In Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), in 1927, an African was given
life imprisonment for smuggling in only three copies of the
newspaper. Although the “Negro World” was banned in Kenya, Jomo
Kenyatta, the first president of independent Kenya, told how
“someone who could understand English would read Garvey’s ‘Negro
World’ message to a group of Africans until they were able to
memorize it. They would then spread the message far and wide
throughout the countryside.”
“Race first” was the first major theme of Garvey in
his attempt to restore race pride and to destroy the inferiority
complex of Black people. Garvey demanded that Black people have
Black heroes: “Take down the pictures of White men and women from
your walls and elevate your own men and women to that place of
honor. Mothers! Give your children dolls that look like them to
play with and cuddle.” He demanded that his followers abandon skin
lighteners and hair straighteners. Garvey said: “God made no
mistake when he made us Black with kinky hair…take the kinks out of
your minds instead of your hair.” In religion, Garvey insisted that
Black people should worship images of God and angels that look like
them. Marcus Garvey also thought history was extremely important
and told his audiences: “We have a beautiful history, and we shall
create another one in the future. When savages, heathens, and pagans
inhabited Europe, Africa was peopled with a race of cultured Black
men, who were masters in art, science, and literature. Whatsoever a
Black man has done, a Black man can do.”
“Self-reliance and economic development” was Garvey’s
second major theme. He founded the “Negro Factories Corporation” in
1919, with the ultimate objective of “manufacturing every marketable
commodity” and establishing factories throughout the world, which
could also employ and train thousands of Black workers. Garvey was
proud that his corporate stock was only available to Black people.
Yet, he still raised enough money in New York City alone to operate
three grocery stores, two restaurants, a printing plant, a steam
laundry, and a men’s and women’s manufacturing department that made
uniforms, hats, and shirts for such groups as his Black Cross
Nurses. Similar enterprises occurred throughout the United States,
Central America, and the West Indies. In order to distribute these
products worldwide, Marcus Garvey’s organization raised enough money
within one year (1919) in $5 stock certificates to purchase three
ships, which he called the “Black Star Line.” Hugh Mulzac, a black
ship’s officer, said that hundreds of thousands of people throughout
the Western Hemisphere welcomed them as conquering heroes wherever
they docked. He wrote: “Thousands of peasants came down from the
hills on horses, donkeys, and in makeshift carts, showering us with
flowers, fruits, and gifts…we had the first ship they had ever seen
entirely owned and operated by colored men.”
“Africa for Africans at home and abroad” was another
very strong message from Marcus Garvey. He believed that if Black
people could not develop a strong country in Africa as a protective
base, then White people would eventually destroy all Blacks
especially African Americans; just as they had done to the
Tasmanians, native Australians, and native Americans. Garvey
partitioned the League of Nations, after World War I, to give the
African colonies of Germany back to native Africans and to allow the
UNIA to serve as custodian. He also negotiated with Liberia for
land that could serve as a beachhead for trained African Americans
to spread modern technology and scientific skills throughout
Africa. Garvey sent thousands of dollars of equipment to Liberia in
preparation of transferring his headquarters to Monrovia, but was
blocked at the last minute by extreme pressure from the neighboring
British and French colonies. Garvey never gave up his dream of an
independent African continent and even created the red, black, and
green flag in addition to a national anthem for his future African
Republic.
The UNIA held a total of eight international
conventions but none was more spectacular than the first, which was
held from August 1-31, 1920. Over 25,000 Black delegates from
around the world packed Madison Square Garden, and the surrounding
New York streets. Delegates reported to the convention on the
problems of their native country and many of their grievances were
contained in the “Declaration of Rights of the Negro People of the
World.” The major demands included: “All persons of African descent
anywhere in the world should be accepted as free citizens of Africa;
Africans must set out to win justice by whatsoever means possible;
Blacks must not be tried by all-White judges and juries; Use of the
word ‘nigger’ must cease; Black history must be taught to Black
children; and there must be no taxation without representation.”
Black intellectuals, especially W.E.B. DuBois, joined
the NAACP and other Garvey haters and demanded that the U.S.
Attorney General have Garvey arrested and deported back to Jamaica.
They were exceptionally jealous of Garvey’s ability to amass
millions of Black supporters and raise millions of dollars while
refusing to accept any money from Whites. In 1922, Garvey was
arrested and charged with mail fraud while promoting stock for the
Black Star Line. The trial was a complete mockery of justice. Even
the judge, Julian Mack, was a member of the NAACP, which instigated
Garvey’s deportation. Garvey was given the maximum five-year prison
sentence, but worldwide protests forced President Calvin Coolidge to
commute his sentence after two years and have him deported. Marcus
Garvey moved from Jamaica to London in 1935 and died of a stroke on
June 10, 1940.
Upon his death, the man who had led the largest, most
widespread, most powerful, and most influential movement among
people of African descent in world history was completely ignored by
our textbooks. Fortunately, his spirit lives through the millions
of people he has uplifted. For example, Elijah Muhammad was a
former UNIA member and while creating the “Nation of Islam,” he
adopted many of Garvey’s ideas like race first, self-reliance, and a
separate Black nation. Ho Chi Minh of Vietnam in his youth was a
seaman and once spent several months in New York regularly attending
UNIA meetings. Kwame Nkrumah, the first President of Ghana,
attended many UNIA meetings as a student in New York and so admired
Garvey that he named Ghana’s shipping company the “Black Star Line”
after Garvey’s line. Tony Martin says: “No power could prevent the
influence which Marcus Garvey has continued to exert on
organizations and individuals since his death. As he himself was so
fond of saying, ‘Truth crushed to earth shall rise again’ and ‘Up
you mighty race you can accomplish what you will.’”
When Arthur Schomburg was a child, his peers
frequently teased him about having no history. White classmates
told him that Black people had never accomplished anything of note
and never would. The young Schomburg asked his teacher where he
might find books on Black history and was told there is no such
thing. As an extended rebuttal to this teacher, he dedicated his
entire life to collecting everything he possibly could that was
written by people of African descent. Today the “Schomburg
Center for Research in Black Culture”
located at 135th Street and Lenox Avenue in Harlem (New York City)
has over 150,000 volumes of Black history and nearly five million
artifacts, photographs, magazines, and manuscripts from throughout
the world and has become the mecca for anyone needing to document or
research Black history.
Arthur Alfonso Schomburg (1874-1938) has been called
the “Sherlock Holmes of Negro History” because of his uncanny
ability to locate extremely rare or “presumed lost” material written
by people of African decent. Russell L. Adams states that “ at the
Schomburg Center, a reader may see copies of the 1792-93 almanacs of
Benjamin Banneker; ‘Clotel’, the first novel published by an African
American; early editions of the poems of Phyllis Wheatley; the
addresses and broadsides of free men of color in their conventions
of protest; and many other extremely rare Black publications, such
as sermons on slavery by ex-slaves.” John W. Cromwell, while
president of the American Negro Academy, wrote Schomburg on June 17,
1928 highly praising and complimenting him: “You possess some
magnetic influence drawing you to these treasures that elude the
eager quest of others. How can I adequately express to you my
indebtedness for your rescue of Banneker from the seclusion in which
he has been for 120 years and the many other valuable manuscripts
you have located.”
Unlike most of his American bibliophile colleagues,
Schomburg wanted to collect material from all great men of color
worldwide. At his own expense, he often took extended vacations to
Europe, Africa, and South America in search of books, pamphlets,
manuscripts, and etchings. In Seville, Spain, he dug into the
original records of the West Indies, which were loosely collected
there since Western slavery had originated on the Iberian
Peninsula. While in Spain, he also definitely established the fact
that two of Spain’s noted painters, Juan Pareja and Sebastian Gomez,
were men of color. Similarly important discoveries were made in
France, Germany, and England. In Africa, he found such things as
Zulu nursery rhymes printed in the Bantu language, and books on
anthropology, folklore, sociology, and customs of the Congo, Guinea,
and Ashanti.
In 1925, Schomburg wrote an essay which was published
in “The New Negro” by Alain Locke explaining why he made such
tremendous personal sacrifices in time and money: “History must
restore what slavery took away…History must become less a matter of
argument and more a matter of record. There is the definite desire
and determination to have a history: well documented, widely known
(at least within race circles), and administered as a stimulating
and inspiring tradition for the coming generations.”
The “coming generations” to significantly benefit
from Schomburg’s repository of information include such leaders as
Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, and Tom Mboya of
Kenya which indicates the importance of Schomburg’s collection in
the African decolonization process that began in the 1950s. In the
United States the collection was a prominent anchor for the black
intellectual and cultural ferment of the 1960s. John Henrik Clarke,
one of our foremost historians, says he provided Malcolm X with
research material from the Schomburg collection in his numerous
televised debates with Ivy League professors. Dr. Clarke also says
he met Schomburg at the age of 18 and credits him with providing the
written material that enabled his self-education. More recently,
Kareem Abdul Jabbar says it took months of research at the Schomburg
Center to permit him to complete his recently published book
entitled: Black Profiles in Courage.
Arthur Alfonso Schomburg was born on January 24, 1874
in San Juan, Puerto Rico to a Black mother and White father, who
abandoned the household. Schomburg was primarily self-taught but
attended public school in Puerto Rico and attended St. Thomas
College in the Virgin Islands. He arrived in New York in April 1891
as a black militant fighting for the independence of Cuba and Puerto
Rico, but never stopped collecting books and other materials on
African history. In 1911, Schomburg and John Bruce founded the
influential “Negro Society for Historical Research” and in 1922 he
was elected president of the “American Negro Academy”, the first
major organization of the black intelligentsia. J.A. Rogers says,
“Schomburg was a walking encyclopedia. Ask him almost any fact
about the Negro, and he would be almost sure to know something about
it offhand.” In 1926 he received the “Harmon Award” for his work on
Negro education.
Schomburg also wrote extensively for magazines and
newspapers. His most popular articles include “The Collected Poems
of Phyllis Wheatley”; “The Life of Placido”; “Racial Identity -Help
to the Study of Negro History”; “Spanish Painters of the School of
Seville”; and “Notes on Panama”. He was also one of the writers
included in an anthology of Negro literature by V.F. Calverton in
1929.
By 1926 Schomburg had collected over 5,000 items
including books, documents, and manuscripts which were purchased for
$10,000 by the Carnegie Corporation and donated to the public
library in Harlem that was renamed the “Department of Negro
Literature and History.” In 1932, the Carnegie Corporation provided
a grant to the New York Public Library to hire Schomburg as curator
of the materials he had collected. He remained curator until his
death on June 10, 1938.
The collection of Arthur Schomburg is now housed in
the “Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture” which serves as
a monument to his influence on the Black experience in American and
throughout the world. Schomburg’s obsession with making black
history “less a matter of argument and more a matter of record” and
to “restore what slavery took away” makes this self-taught lonely
visionary of indomitable spirit one whom the world of black
scholarship will forever be immensely indebted.
DR. CARTER GOODWIN WOODSON
Carter Goodwin Woodson (1875-1950) wrote: “If a race
has no history, if it has no worthwhile tradition, it becomes a
negligible factor in the thought of the world, and it stands in
danger of being exterminated.” Woodson saw the educational system
of his generation as solely dedicated to the glorification of
Europeans and their achievements. Consequently, he dedicated his
entire life to informing the masses, both black and white, about the
magnificent history and “worthwhile traditions” of people of African
descent.
Dr. Carter G. Woodson has been called the “Father of
Negro History” because of his pioneering efforts to systematically
and continuously have the accomplishments of Black people taught in
our school systems. In 1915, he organized the “Association for the
Study of Negro Life and History” and in 1916 started the “Journal of
Negro History.” In 1926, he initiated the observance of “Negro
History Week” which was later expanded to “Black History Month”.
Dr. Woodson felt that any African American only exposed to the white
educational system without any exposure to positive black
achievements was “mis-educated and completely useless to his race.”
The founding of the “Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History” in 1915 was one of Woodson’s most important
accomplishments. Centered in Washington D.C., this association
gathered as many books on black history and achievements as possible
and many of these books were later used as textbooks in all grades
of schools from elementary to the university. Dr. Woodson also
published voluminously to help fill the initial textbook void. His
most popular books include: “A Century of Negro Education,” “History
of the Negro Church,” “The Rural Negro,” “Education of the Negro
Prior to 1861,” “Mis-Education of the Negro,” “African Backgrounds
Outlined,” “African Heroes and Heroines,” and “The Negro in Our
History.” Dr. Woodson also collected vast quantities of original
documents by people of African descent, which might otherwise have
been lost.
Dr. Woodson’s “Journal of Negro History” which soon
became established as one of the most scholarly and authoritative
journals in America. The journal received contributions from some
of America’s foremost scholars, both Black and White, with many of
its articles widely quoted in the leading educational centers of
Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the United States. Woodson
hoped that articles from his journal would help black students
develop a more self-respecting view of themselves. J.A. Rogers
says: “Woodson’s outspokenness at the manner in which Negroes were
being taught to despise themselves by their teachers brought him
several powerful enemies among leading Negro educators; but
undaunted, he attacked them fearlessly until they were forced to his
point of view.”
“Negro History Week” was initiated in 1926 with
Carter G. Woodson as the principal founder. “Negro History Week”
forced both Black and White schools and colleges throughout the
nation to gather and present information on “Negro” history and
achievements, which they had never done before. Woodson once said
at the annual meeting of the Georgia Teachers’ and Educational
Association: “I lament the teachers’ ignorance of their rich
heritage…Few of our college presidents could make more than 10% on
an examination in Negro history.”
Dr. Woodson was extremely critical of the so-called
“highly educated”; that is, “the Negroes who have put on the
finishing touches of our best colleges.” He wrote: “The same
educational process which inspires and stimulates the oppressor with
the thought that he is everything and has accomplished everything
worthwhile, depresses and crushes at the same time the spark of
genius in the Negro by making him feel that his race does not amount
to much and never will measure up to the standards of other
peoples. The Negro thus educated is a hopeless liability of the
race.” Woodson frequently told his audiences that it took him over
20 years to “get over” his Harvard education. He felt “modern
education” meant bringing a person’s mind under the control of his
oppressor. He wrote that once a black person’s mind is controlled,
you won’t have to tell him to go to the back door because he will
already know his “proper place.” He continued: “ In fact, if there
is no back door, he will cut one out for his special benefit. His
education makes it necessary.”
Dr. Woodson had even less respect for the black
professional class, believing it to be more culturally backward and
less race conscious than the masses. In 1930, he analyzed 25,000
Black professionals including doctors, dentists, and lawyers and
concluded that they were more interested in making money than
contributing to the advancement of their professions or to their
race. He wrote that Black professionals were less likely than their
White counterparts to keep up with the professional literature in
their fields and that Black professional associations tended to
emphasize social rather than professional advancement. Although
Black professionals were dependent upon the Black working class to
earn a living, Woodson saw the Black professional as “just as much
class prejudice against the poor Negro as his White professional
counterpart” and the least socially responsible among all Black
people. Woodson viewed the Black physician as the worst. He wrote
that Black physicians, when attending meetings of the National
Medical Association were more interested in discussing the merits or
demerits of the latest Cadillac than discussing the proper treatment
for Tuberculosis or Typhoid Fever.” He said that most successful
Black physicians “frittered away much of their energy in quest of
material things like fine cars, fine homes, and a fine time.”
Woodson once told a group of professionals: “You spend millions
yearly to straighten your hair and bleach your skin and some of you
go so far as to have your noses lifted in the hope of looking like
the White man. Well, monkeys too have straight hair and thin lips.”
Dr. Carter Goodwin Woodson was born on December 19,
1875 in New Canton, Virginia to parents who were former slaves.
Woodson was the eldest of nine children and was forced to work in
the coal mines of West Virginia at an early age to help his parents
make ends meet. This precluded his attending school until he was
twenty years old. However, his love of knowledge was so great that
despite the hard work he studied by himself at night and was
especially fond of Greek and Latin classics. When he finally was
able to go to school, he scored so high on the high school entrance
examination that he was given an advanced standing and thus earned a
diploma in only 18 months. Woodson then went on to obtain his
bachelor’s degree and master’s degree at the University of Chicago.
He completed studies for his Ph.D. at Harvard University in 1912,
and then went to Sorbonne, Paris where he was one of the most
brilliant students in “French languages and literature” for that
year. After teaching several years in West Virginia, he went to the
Philippines as a teacher and five months later was promoted to
“Supervisor of Education” where he served for three years. He
subsequently returned to the United States to become dean of the
School of Liberal Arts at Howard University and later, dean of the
West Virginia Collegiate Institute.
Carter Goodwin Woodson would be proud to know that
black history is now a well-established, legitimate, and respected
subject of study, and that historians are finally acknowledging his
pioneering contributions. Dr. Woodson was tremendously effective in
helping to improve the self-respect of Black people and giving them
a brighter, more optimistic outlook. As he so eloquently said: “If
you read the history of Africa, the history of your ancestors -
people of whom you should feel proud - you will realize that they
have a history that is worthwhile. They have traditions that have
value of which you can boast and upon which you can base a claim for
the right to share in the blessings of democracy.”
Television images of General Colin Powell in specific
and Black, well trained, energetic soldiers in general are a great
source of pride for most African Americans. These television images
represent the fruits of over two hundred years of struggle by
African Americans for equality, integration, and respect in the
military service. There is probably no irony in American history
more pointed than the American Black soldier fighting and dying for
basic American democracy and freedom, while being denied most of
those same freedoms at home and in the military since the founding
of this country.
Until recently African Americans begged for the
privilege to fight and die for this country in hopes that a more
equitable society would await them at the end of the war. However,
Black soldiers and sailors were strictly prohibited from
participation in virtually every American war until a severe
manpower shortage made this country desperate. In 1792, laws were
passed by Congress to exclude Blacks from the Army and Marines. The
Marine Corp did not accept an African American for its first 150
years of existence, up to and including World War II, when White
politicians and generals finally became desperate enough to
encourage Black military participation. Black soldiers were
frequently poorly trained, unequally paid and equipped, and forced
to participate in all Black regiments with White southern officers
in charge.
When Blacks were allowed to participate in American
wars, they invariably performed exceptionally well. Over 5,000
African Americans, both slave and free, served in the army during
the Revolutionary War, and almost all of them received their freedom
in appreciation after the war. In fact, most northern states
abolished slavery because of their contribution. The outstanding
contributions of over 200,000 African American soldiers and sailors
during the Civil War led to the 13th Amendment freeing all slaves.
Between 1869 and 1890 Black soldiers in the West,
nicknamed the Buffalo Soldiers, won 14 Congressional Metals of
Honor, 9 Certificates of Merit and 29 Orders of Honorable Mention
while fighting Native Americans. President Theodore Roosevelt
credits these same Buffalo Soldiers for saving his famous "Rough
Riders" from extermination in Cuba during the Spanish American War
of 1898.
About 160,000 of the 200,000 African Americans sent
to Europe during World War I were forced to work as laborers in
unloading ships and building roads. The remaining soldiers were not
even allowed to fight along side White American soldiers but rather
were assigned by General Pershing to French Divisions. These Black
soldiers had to fight in French uniforms with French weapons and
French leadership until the end of World War I. Over 3,000
casualties were sustained by these Black soldiers, who subsequently
were awarded over 540 metals by the French government including the
Legion of Honor - for gallantry in action.
The plight of Blacks in the military did not improve
significantly until President Franklin Roosevelt and President Harry
Truman made concessions to Black leaders in exchange for Black
votes. On October 15, 1940, Roosevelt announced that Blacks would
be trained as pilots, that Black reserve officers would be called to
active duty, and that Colonel Benjamin Davis would be named the
first Black brigadier general.
In 1948, Truman was even more desperate for Black
votes and issued Executive Order 9981, ending military segregation
and demanding "equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons
in the Armed Services without regard to race, color, religion or
national origin." After two hundred years of struggle, African
Americans can now look upon Black military men and officers with a
great since of pride and accomplishment.
AND BLACK SERVICEMEN
Most Americans would never believe that the United
States government was involved in atrocities. After all, doesn’t
the U.S. currency have “IN GOD WE TRUST” written all over it.
Moreover, most Americans still don't believe that the U.S.
government funded a “NO TREATMENT” syphilis study in Tuskegee,
Alabama for 40 years or that hundreds of Vietnamese were massacred
at "My Lai." Authors Carroll Case, "The Slaughter," and Robert
Allen, "The Port Chicago Mutiny," have written even less believable
stories about the U.S. Military’s treatment towards Blacks.
Black servicemen found life exceptionally difficult
during World War II. Racism was rampant, segregation made
everything separate and extremely unequal, and opportunities for
advancement for Blacks were non-existent. In fact, Black servicemen
were considered "inferior and ill qualified" according to an Army
War College committee study in 1940, which also concluded that
Blacks were "far below the Whites in capacity to absorb
instruction." Initially, the Army assigned Black soldiers to labor
and support units, and the Navy made Black sailors either messman
(waiting tables) or ammunition loaders. African American servicemen
were not allowed into combat until manpower shortages became
severe. In fact, General Patton vehemently refused to allow any
Blacks to serve under his command under any circumstances. Despite
legendary acts of heroism which often cost their lives, not a single
Black person received the Metal of Honor during World War II and
Lieutenant General (retired) William McCaffrey says the reason was
simple: “Everyone in the Army then was a racist.” Fifty years later
the Department of Defense decided that seven Black soldiers deserved
the Metal of Honor. On January 13, 1997, President Clinton
presented the Metal of Honor to the only survivor, Vernon Baker, and
to the families of the others stating: “They were denied their
nation’s highest honor, but their deeds could not be denied.”
African American servicemen were severely punished
for military and civil crimes and rarely received a fair trial under
military justice. All but three of the twenty one American soldiers
executed for capital crimes during World War II were Black. The
Army hung six African Americans after a hastily conducted military
police investigation accused them of raping a White nurse in New
Guinea. The soldiers went to their deaths proclaiming their
innocence. Brigadier General Benjamin Davis made an inspection tour
of army camps throughout the United States in 1943 and concluded:
“There is still great dissatisfaction on the part of the Colored
soldier. The War Department offers him nothing but humiliation and
mistreatment and has even introduced Jim Crow practices in areas,
both at home and abroad, where they have not hitherto been
practiced.” African American anger and frustration with lack of
opportunity and discrimination resulted in numerous work stoppages
and riots. For example, in 1944 Black sailors rioted after racial
harassment from White Marines on the island of Guam turned violent,
and Black soldiers of the 364th infantry also rioted in Phoenix,
Arizona for alleged mistreatment. In March 1945, members of a Black
construction battalion at Port Hueneme, California protested
nonviolently against their White commander’s racism by refusing to
eat for two days.
Carroll Case in “The Slaughter” claims the worse
military atrocity occurred at Camp Van Dorn in southern Mississippi
in 1943, where over 1,200 Black soldiers of the 364th infantry were
murdered with machine guns by White military police. Although the
Army has no record of this incident, Case says he has thousands of
sworn affidavits from eyewitnesses including one of the military
police involved in the shooting. The fate of the 364th was sealed
after racial violence erupted in Phoenix, Arizona on Thanksgiving
night in 1942 according to Carroll Case. Approximately one hundred
men took part in a shootout with a detachment of White military
police resulting in fifteen casualties. Inspector General Peterson
labeled this incident as “having all the earmarks of a mutiny.”
Sixteen men of the 364th were tried by general court martial and
sentenced to fifty years hard labor. As punishment, the remaining
members of the 364th were sent to an extremely racist base called
Fort Van Dorn near Centerville, Mississippi.
Even the sidewalks were segregated in Centerville,
Mississippi and the “uppity” 364th outraged the citizens by
demanding equal treatment. On Sunday May 30, 1944, an MP stopped a
soldier and ordered him back to base because a button on his uniform
was missing. When the soldier objected, the local sheriff shot and
killed the soldier and asked the MP if “any other Nigger needed
killing.” After word of the soldier’s death reached the base, riots
ensued which resulted in the death of twenty five additional Black
soldiers. There is no official documentation of either incident
according to Case, but several soldiers wrote letters detailing the
events. Another major disturbance occurred one month later involving
three thousand soldiers and the 99th infantry division had to be
called to stop the violence. Carroll Case says the Army then
ordered the 364th quarantined to their barracks where later that
night, they were slaughtered by White MPs with machine guns. The
bodies were loaded in boxcars and taken to the south gate of the
base where they were dumped into a large bulldozed trench. Case
says all records after this blood bath were destroyed but that he
has even interviewed men in the laundry room who remembered
receiving the blood soaked linen from the barracks.
Port Chicago was a naval ammunition base located
about 30 miles from San Francisco on the Sacramento River. The
ammunition depot at Port Chicago was one of the main sources of
supply for the Pacific fleet because the dock facilities could
handle the largest ammunition carriers in the Navy. All the men who
actually handled the ammunition and bombs were Black, and all
commissioned officers were White. Explosives were transferred from
boxcars to ship holds 24 hours a day, and the work was hard and
dangerous. Some ships received over 8,500 tons of ammunition and
bombs.
Black sailors complained that neither they nor their
officers had received any training in handling the explosives. They
felt the explosives were dangerous and needed better supervision.
When the Coast Guard inspected the port and complained about unsafe
practices, they were asked to leave. The naval officers told the
Black sailors that the bombs could never explode because the firing
pins and fuses had been removed. On July 17, 1944, a gigantic
explosion estimated equivalent to a five-kiloton atomic bomb,
instantly killed 202 Black ammunition loaders and destroyed two
cargo ships. The small town of Port Chicago and the base itself,
both over a mile away, were severely damaged. This was by far the
worst home-front disaster of World War II. A subsequent naval
investigation held the Black sailors 100% responsible for the
explosion citing rough ammunition handling.
When Port Chicago was rebuilt, fifty sailors refused
to return to ammunition loading, because of inadequate training and
a lack of safety provisions for hazardous duty. The fifty sailors
were convicted of mutiny and sentenced to hard labor for fifteen
years with dishonorable discharges. Not until after the war,
January 1946, was future Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall
able to appeal the verdict and influence the Navy to return the men
to active duty. However, the mutiny convictions were never removed
from their records. In May 1998, several Black Congressmen made a
written appeal to President Clinton to reverse the mutiny
convictions and clear the names of these courageous men.
Even more intriguing is the current belief that the
Port Chicago explosion was not an accident at all. Many claim to
have irrefutable evidence that the U.S. military used Port Chicago
to evaluate the damage of an atomic bomb delivered by ship and
concluded that air explosions would produce far more destruction.
The atomic bombs under consideration were called Mark I (little
boy), Mark II, and Mark III (fat boy). Mark II was allegedly tested
on the hapless souls at Port Chicago and abandoned because the
damage radius was inadequate. Subsequently, the two atomic bombs
destined for Japan (Mark I and Mark III) were delivered to an island
near Port Chicago and loaded onto B-29 bombers for aerial delivery.
In 1948, President Truman needed the Black vote and
consequently decided to “do the right thing” and conclude his
presidency in an “honorable way”. On July 26, 1948, Truman issued
executive order 9981 which declared: “…there shall be equality of
treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed forces
without regard to race, color, religion, or national origin.”
Perhaps the American government should also “do the right thing” and
acknowledge and apologize for the numerous atrocities during World
War II involving Black servicemen.
Black Nationalism is defined as “a complex set of
beliefs emphasizing the need for the cultural, political, and
economic separation of African Americans from White society.” The
philosophy of Black Nationalism is a direct response to racial
discrimination and the overt hostility of White society toward
anyone of African descent. Black Nationalist beliefs were strongest
during slavery and again with Marcus Garvey at the beginning of the
20th century. Since most Black Nationalists believed that White
society would never treat African Americans fairly, they demanded a
territorial base either in Africa or in America, completely governed
by Black men.
As the philosophy of Black Nationalism expanded,
Black pride, solidarity, and self-reliance became issues just as
important as the demand for a territorial base. For example, in the
18th century, Boston’s free Blacks demanded that Crispus Attucks,
the first to die in the American Revolution, become a symbol of
African American contributions to the Revolutionary War. Crispus
Attucks Day (March 5) was celebrated for decades before it was
replaced by July 4th. During the 19th century, Paul Cuffe, the
richest Black man in America, employed only African Americans to
demonstrate their ability to the skeptical White world. In the
1920s, Marcus Garvey demanded distinctly Black standards of beauty
and refused any advertisements in his newspaper “The Negro World”
for hair straighteners or skin whiteners. He insisted on
highlighting the accomplishments of Blacks throughout the world and
that Black people chose Black heroes. He even demanded that Black
churches depict all religious figures as Black, including Jesus
Christ.
During the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, many
young Blacks became impatient with its slow progress and passive
non-violent philosophy and again embraced Black Nationalism.
Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) and the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) soon had most Black youths proclaiming
the slogans “Black is Beautiful” and “Black Power.” Bobby Seale and
Huey Newton founded the “Black Panther Party” in 1966 and advocated
militant self defense in addition to Black Nationalism. Elijah
Muhammad (a former Garveyite) and Malcolm X emphasized religious
justification for racially separate enterprises, especially in
business. When the young Black leaders of the Civil Rights Movement
looked for the “Father of Black Nationalism”, they chose a name that
history had almost forgotten: Martin Robison Delany.
Martin Robison Delany (1812-1885) was a highly
intelligent, well-educated Black Nationalist with an immense and
outspoken love for his people. Delany strenuously rejected the
notion of Black inferiority and proposed emigration rather than the
continuous submission to racial humiliation by White society.
Although his father, Samuel Delany, was a slave, Martin was born
free because his mother, Pati Peace Delany, was free. The Delany
children mastered reading and education so quickly that West
Virginian Whites became threatened and forced them to move to
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in 1822. In 1831, Martin completed the
Reverend Lewis Woodson School for Negroes and later completed enough
medical study in the offices of abolitionist medical doctors to make
a comfortable living as a medical practitioner. In 1850 he became
the first Black admitted to Harvard Medical School but was asked to
leave after one year because Dean Oliver Holmes considered him a
“distraction to education”.
Martin Delany hated slavery and while still
practicing medicine, he published the “Mystery”, the first
Black-owned newspaper “West of the Alleghenies”. He published his
abolitionist newspaper from 1843-47 and when finances forced him to
close, he joined Frederick Douglass as coeditor of the newly founded
“North Star”. Delany demanded liberty for Blacks as a human right.
He also exhorted Blacks to elevate themselves by becoming skilled
workers and landowning farmers. Martin Delany emphasized Black
self-reliance through education, independent thought, and self
respect. He felt that Blacks would only gain “the world’s applause”
by obtaining wealth through successful businesses.
When Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act, Delany
gave up all hope that this country would ever ameliorate the
condition of his people. He moved his family to Canada and became a
full time advocate for emigration to Africa. Delany organized three
emigration conventions (in 1854, 1856, and 1858). In July 1859,
Martin Delany sailed to Western Africa and on December 27, 1859, he
signed a treaty with the king of Abeokuta (Nigeria). The treaty
“permitted African Americans associated with Delany to settle in
unused tribal lands in exchange for sharing their skills and
education with the Yoruba people.” Happy with his African treaty,
Delany then sailed for Britain to obtain financial support.
In London, Martin Delany was able to convince cotton
dealers and philanthropists that Christian colonies in Africa could
easily compete with slave cotton from the South. Delany helped
found the “African Aid Society,” which agreed to lend two thirds of
the money needed by the first group of settlers who were expected to
leave the U.S. in June 1861. Unfortunately, before the first
settlers could leave, the Civil War began, and Delany decided to
cancel the first group’s departure.
After four years of bloodshed, Martin Delany was able
to convince President Lincoln to allow him to recruit an all Black
army with Black officers, which would terrorize the South by arming
all slaves and encouraging them to fight for their own
emancipation. Delany was commissioned as a Major in the Union Army,
the first Black field officer, but the war ended before he could
implement his plan to arm all slaves. After the war, Delany was
labeled as a “race agitator” for telling freed slaves to “trust only
Blacks” and “to break the peace of society and force their way by
insurrection to a position he is ambitious they should attain to.”
African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME) Bishop
Daniel Payne wrote that “Delany was too intensely African to be
popular…had his love for humanity been as great as his love for his
race, his influence might have equaled that of Fredrick Douglass.”
Martin Delany’s emphasis on race
pride and self-reliance and his stressing of the importance of
“elevating the race” clearly makes him the “Father of Black
Nationalism.”
BLACK PEOPLE & THEIR PLACE IN WORLD HISTORY
ISBN: 0-9715920-0-4
E-book also covered under - Moses A Movement To Freedom
Copyright No. PAu2-759-072
|
REFERENCES AND ADDITIONAL READING
Linkable
books from Amazon.com
BLACK
SCIENTISTS
Adams, R. (1969) Great Negroes Past and Present.
Chicago: Afro Am Publishing Co.
Bendini, S. (1972) The Life of Benjamin Banneker.
New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Digs, I.
(1975) Black Innovations, Chicago: Institute of Positive Education.
Haber, L.
(1970) Black Pioneers of Science and Invention. New York: Harcourt, Brace and
World inc.
Hayden, R. (1992) 11 African American Doctors,
Frederick Maryland: Twenty-First Century Books
Hayden, R. (1992) 7 African American Scientists.
Frederick, Maryland: Twenty-first Century Books.
Holt, R. (1942) George Washington Carver: An
American Biography. New York: Doubleday & Co.
Jay, J. (1971) Negroes in Science: Natural
Science doctorates 187601969. Detroit: Balamp Publishing Co.
Klein, A.
(1971) The Hidden Contributions: Black Scientists and Inventors in America. New
York: Doubleday & Co.
Lewis, C. (1970) Benjamin Banneker: The Man Who
Saved Washington. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Van Sertima, I. (1983) Blacks in Science Ancient
and Modern. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.
Winslow, E. (ed.) (1974) Black Americans in
Science and in Engineering: Contributions of Past and Present. Chicago: Afro-Am
Publishing Co.
BLACK (NEGRO) WALL STREET
Linkable books from Amazon.com
Brown, R. (1975) Strain of Violence: Historical
Studies of American Violence and Virgilantism. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Butler, W. (1974) Tulsa 75: A History of Tulsa.
Tulsa: Metropolitan Tulsa Chamber of Commerce.
Debo, A. (1982) Tulsa: From Creek Town to Oil
Capital. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Ellsworth, S. (1943) Death in a Promised Land:
The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press.
Franklin, J. (1974) From Slavery to Freedom: A
History of Negro Americans. New York: Alfred Knopf.
Franklin, J. (1980) The Blacks in Oklahoma.
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Gates, E. (1997) They Came Searching - How Blacks
Sought the Promised Land in Tulsa. Austin, Texas: Eakin Press.
Johnson, H. (1998) Black Wall Street: From Riot
to Renaissance in Tulsa’s Historic Greenwood District. Austin, Texas: Eakin
Press.
Teall, K. (1971) Black History in Oklahoma: A
Resource Book. Oklahoma City: Oklahoma city Public Schools.
Waskow, A. (1967) From Race Riot to Sit-In. 1919
and the 1960’s: A Study in the Connections Between Conflict and Violence. Garden
City, NY: Doubleday.
Williams, L. (1972) Anatomy of Four Race Riots -
Racial Conflict in Knoxville, Elaine (Arkansas), Tulsa and Chicago. The
University and College Press of Mississippi.
MARCUS GARVEY
Linkable books from Amazon.com
Adams, R. (1969) Great Negroes Past and Present.
Chicago: Afro-Am Publishing Co.
Bennett, L. (1988) Before the Mayflower: A
History of Black America. New York: Penguin Books
Clarke, J. (1974) Marcus Garvey and the Vision of
Africa. New York: Fandom House.
Franklin, J. & Meier, A. (eds.) (1982) Black
Leaders of the Twentieth Century. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Garvey, A. (1970) Garvey and Garveyism. New York:
Collier Books.
Garvey, A. (ed.) (1967) Philosophy and Opinions
of Marcus Garvey or Africa for the Africans. London: Frank Cass.
Lewis, R. (1988) Marcus Garvey: Anti-Colonial
Champion. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press Inc.
Martin, T. (1978) Race First: The Ideological and
Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement
Association. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.
Martin, T. (1988) Marcus Garvey, Hero: A First
Biography. Dover, Massachusetts: The Majority Press.
Nembhard, L. (1978) Trials and Triumphs of Marcus
Garvey. Millwood, NY: Kraus Reprint Co.
Rogers, J. (1972) World’s Great Men of Color, New
York: Macmillan Publishing Co.
Salley, C. (1993) The Black 100: A Ranking of the
Most Influential African Americans, Past and Present. New York: Carol Publishing
ARTHUR ALFONSO
SCHOMBURG
Adams, R. (1969) Great Negroes Past and Present.
Chicago: Afro-Am Publishing Co.
Bontemps, A. (1972) Harlem Renaissance
Remembered. New York: Dodd Mead.
Brown, W., (ed.) (2001), Clotel. Modern Library
Cannon, C. (1941) American Book Collectors and
Collecting from Colonial Times to the Present. New York: H.W. Wilson Co.
Clarke, J. (ed.) Harlem: A Community in
Transition. New York: Citadel Press.
Colon, J. (1961) A Puerto Rican in New York. New
York: Mainstream Publishers.
Gubert, B. (1982) Early Black Bibliographies,
1863-1918. New York: R.R. Garland Publishing.
Huggins, N. (1971) Harlem Renaissance. New York:
Oxford University Press.
Jabbar, K. A. (1996) Black Profiles in Courage: A
Legacy of African American Achievement. William Morrow
Josey, E. (ed.) (1970) The Black Librarian in
America. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press.
Rogers, J. (1972) World’s Great Men of Color. New
York: Macmillan Publishing Co.
Salley, C. (1993) The Black 100: A Ranking of the
Most Influential African-Americans Past and present. New York Carol Publishing
Group.
Sanchez, K. (1983) From Colonial to Community:
The History of the Puerto Rican In New York City, 1917-1948. Westport, Conn.:
Greenwood Press.
Sinnette, E. (1989) Arthur Alfonso Schomburg:
Black Bibliophile and Collector. Detroit: Wayne State University Press.
Smith, J. (1977) Black Academic Libraries and
Research Collections: An Historical Survey. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.
Thorpe, E. (1971) Black Historians: A Critique.
New York: William Morrow.
DR. CARTER WOODSON
Adams,
R. (1969) Great Negroes: Past and Present. Chicago: Afro-Am Publishing Co. Inc.
Al-Mansour, K. (1993) Betrayal by Any Other Name.
San Francisco: The First African Arabian Press.
Appiah, K. & Gates, H. (eds.) (1999) Africana.
New York: Basis Civitas Books.
Aptheker, H. (1951) A Documentary History of the
Negro People in the United States. New York: Citadel Press.
Aptheker, H. (1968) To Be Free. New York:
International Publishers.
Bennett, L. (1975) The Shaping of Black America.
Chicago: Johnson Publishing Co.
Bennett, L. (1988) Before the Mayflower. New
York: Penguin Books.
Franklin, J. (1988) From Slavery to Freedom: A
History of Negro Americans. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Litwack, L. & Meier, A. (1988) Black Leaders of
the Nineteenth Century. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Low, A. & Clift, V. (eds.) (1983) Encyclopedia of
Black America. New York: Neil Schuman Publishers.
McIntyre, C. (1992) Criminalizing a Race: Free
Blacks During Slavery. Queens, NY: Kayode Publications
Sally C. (1993) The Black 100. New York: Carol
Publishing Group.
Wiltse, C (ed.) (1965) David Walker’s Appeal. New
York: Hill & Wang.
Zinn, H. (1980) A People’s History of the United
States. New York: HarperCollins Publishers.
BLACKS IN THE MILITARY
Donaldson, G. (1991) The History of
African-Americans in the Military. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing Co.
Foner, J. (1974) Blacks and the Military in
American History. New York: A New Perspective Publishing Co.
Greene, R. (1974) Black Defenders of America:
1775-1973. Chicago: Johnson Publishing.
Langley, H. (1967) Social Reforms in the United
States Navy: 1798-1862. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Lanning, M. (1997) The African-American Soldier
From Crispus Attucks to Colin Powell. Secaucus, NJ: Carol Publishing Group.
Moebs. T. (1994) Black Soldiers - Black Sailors -
Black Ink: Research Guide on African - Americans in U.S. Military History.
Chesapeake Bay, MD: Moebs Publishing Co.
Mullen, R. (1973) Blacks in America’s Wars. New
York: Pathfinder.
Nalty, B. (1986) Strength for the Fight: A
History of Black Americans in the Military. New York: Free Press.
Rogers, J. (1989) Africa’s Gift to America. St.
Petersburg, FL: Helga Rogers Publishing.
Wilson, J. (1977) The Black Phalanx: A History of
the Negro Soldier of the United States in the Wars of 1775-1812, 1861-1865. New
York Arno Press.
Zinn, H. (1980) A People’s History of the United
States. New York: HarperCollins Publishers.
WWII ATROCITIES
Allen,
R. (1993) The Port Chicago Mutiny. New York: Amistad Press Inc.
Buchanan, A. (1972) Black Americans in World War
II. Santa Barbara, CA.
Case, C. (1998) The Slaughter: An American
Atrocity. Mississippi: FBC Inc.
Donaldson, G. (1991) The History of
African-Americans in the Military. Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing Co.
Foner, J. (1974) Blacks and the Military in
American History. New York: A New Perspective Publishing Co.
Lanning, M. (1997) The African-American Soldier
from Crispus Attucks to Colin Powell. Secaucus, NJ: Carol Publishing Group.
Moebs, T. (1994) Black Soldiers - Black Sailors -
Black Ink: Research Guide on African - Americans in U.S. Military History.
Chesapeake Bay, MD: Moebs Publishing Co.
Mullen, R. (1973) Blacks in America’s Wars. New
York: Pathfinder.
Nalty, B (1986) Strength for the Fight: A History
of Black Americans in the Military. New York: Free Press
Pearson, R. (1964) No Share of Glory. Pacific
Palisades, CA.
Zinn, H. (1980) A People’s History of the United
States, New York: HarperCollins Publishers.
BLACK NATIONALISM
Adams, R. (1969) Great Negroes: Past and Present.
Chicago: Afro-Am Publishing Co. Inc.
Appiah, K. & Gates, H. (eds.) (1999) Africana.
New York: Basis Civitas Books.
Asante, M. & Mattson, M. (1991) Historical and
Cultural Atlas of African Americans. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co.
Bennett, L. (1975) The Shaping of Black America.
Chicago: Johnson Publishing Co.
Bennett. L. (1988) Before the Mayflower. New
York: Penguin Books.
Delany, M. R. (ed.) (1996) The Condition,
Elevation, Emigration and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States.
Black Classic Press; Reprint edition
Franklin, J. & Meier, A. (ed.) (1982) Black
Leaders of the Twentieth Century. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Franklin, J. (1988) From Slavery to Freedom: A
History of Negro Americans, New York: Alfred A Knopf.
Griffith, C. (1975) The African Dream: Martin R.
Delany and the Emergence of Pan-African Thought. University Park: Pennsylvania
State University.
Litwack, L. & Meier, A. (1988) Black Leaders of
the Nineteenth Century. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Low, A. & Clift, V. (eds.) (1983) Encyclopedia of
Black America. New York: Neal Schuman Publishers.
Moses, W. (1988) The Golden Age of Black
Nationalism, 1850-1925. New York: Oxford University Press.
Moses. W. (ed.) (1996) Classical Black
Nationalism: From American Revolution to Marcus Garvey. New York: New York
University Press.
Sally, C. (1993) The Black 100, New York: Carol
Publishing Group.
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